Professor X:
I think you are confusing apples and oranges.
What I said was that “removal was one thing”. We can have a debate about
what constitutes good reasons for removal, and what political process best
accommodates a needed removal. We can talk about whether we have reached a
level of existential crisis such that a political actor could go beyond the
regular bounds of the legal system to accommodate an exceptional situation. I
believe that back in 1868, a Representative or Senator could have rightly voted
to impeach and convict President Johnson (that is, consistent with his oath to
uphold the Constitution). But the country survived Johnson and the
Reconstruction programme blossomed under Republican majorities and subsequently
under President Grant. So maybe I am wrong about the impeachment of Johnson. We
can talk about whether we face a crisis of similar magnitude under Trump.
But that debate (in my opinion) should not involve loose talk about
concepts from the criminal law. Eg: “aid and comfort”. The only thing you’ll
accomplish going down that road is to produce confusion in Congress, in the
courts, and in the public mind. If you are lucky, it will start and end with
mere confusion. If you are unlucky, such a strategy will yield speech crimes,
speech monitors, and a speech police. The game is not worth the candle.
Presidents are citizens too. They are allowed to have views—even controversial
ones—including ones about which the President’s opponents disagree. If you are
going to argue that the President’s expressing otherwise lawful speech about
policy is a reason for removal, then I might add that that position is not
precisely in tune with what a great many Americans believe about their
political and legal inheritance.
If your dispute with Trump and your call for his removal are based on
policy (and his language about policy), rather than about discrete factual
predicates amounting to legal violations, then you should eschew the language
of the criminal law and push forward with debates (in this forum and elsewhere)
about the prospective dangers you think Trump is creating or the harms he has
already caused. But as I said, the country survived Johnson. To the extent that
the argument against Trump is based on his saying stuff you think outrageous, I
think the country will survive his talking big. I would also add that Trump has
done little (as I see it) which substantially departs from his campaign
statements—so a removal based on political disagreement about the expected
consequences of policy is not going to be one with a strong democratic
justification.
Technical point: It may be that deporting foreigners is not a criminal
punishment, but exiling/banishing/deporting Americans who are in the country
legally would seem to me to amount to a violation of a 14th Amendment liberty
interest. This brings up an important cultural divide in America today (and not
just in America, but across the Western world). Many of Trump’s supporters see
the elites as being indifferent between their fellow citizens and foreigners. I
ask you not to prove them correct.
Seth
Seth Barrett Tillman, My Post on CONLAWPROF: my response to a discussion about removing Trump from office, New Reform Club (July 17, 2018, 9:04 AM), https://reformclub.blogspot.com/2018/07/my-post-on-conlawprof-my-response-to.html.
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