Cross-post from Seth Barrett Tillman,
The Emoluments Clauses Lawsuits’s Weak
Link: The Official Capacity Issue, Notice
& Comment: A Blog from the Yale Journal on Regulation (Aug. 15, 2017),
http://tinyurl.com/y9g2v6xf
The
Emoluments Clauses Lawsuits’s Weak Link: The Official Capacity Issue
Seth
Barrett Tillman**
The
conclusion of briefing in Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington
(“CREW”) v. Donald J. Trump, in his official capacity as President of the
United States of America, Civ. A. No. 1:17-cv-00458 (Southern District of
New York, filed January 23, 2017), the first filed of three Foreign
Emoluments Clause cases, is now almost in sight, and briefing is about to begin
in the two remaining cases: District of Columbia & Maryland v. Trump (District of
Maryland, filed June 12, 2017) and Senator Blumenthal v. Trump (District for
the District of Columbia, filed June 14, 2017).
All
three lawsuits have provoked sharp debate—debate about constitutional purpose,
divided loyalties, and national security; debate in relation to threshold legal
questions such as standing (qua
harm), standing (qua redressability),
political question doctrine, and justiciability; and also debate in regard to more
merits related issues, including whether business transactions and regulatory
benefits are “emoluments,” and whether the presidency falls under the scope of
the Foreign Emoluments Clause’s office of
profit or trust under the United States language. U.S. Const. art. I,
§ 9, cl. 8.
Until
now, commentators, including those in the media and academic experts on federal
courts, have refrained from discussing one obvious legal defect—a defect common
to all three lawsuits. All three lawsuits have been brought against Donald J.
Trump “in his official capacity as President of the United States of America.” It
is likely that all three cases will founder on this issue.
In
Lewis v. Clarke, No. 15–1500, 137 S. Ct. 1285,
581 U.S. ____ (Apr. 25, 2017), Justice Sotomayor explained:
In
an official-capacity claim, the relief sought is only nominally against the
official and in fact is against the official’s office and thus the sovereign
itself. This is why, when officials sued in their official capacities leave
office, their successors automatically
assume their role in the litigation. The real party in interest is the
government entity, not the named official.
Id. at 1291
(citations omitted) (emphasis added). In the event of President Trump’s
removal, death, resignation, or inability, Trump would be succeeded by Vice
President Mike Pence. U.S. Const. art. II, § 1,
cl. 6.
In those circumstances, the three Foreign Emoluments Clause lawsuits could not
be maintained against Pence. None of these cases involve government or public policy;
rather, they all involve Trump’s private
commercial ventures and investments. Thus per Lewis v. Clarke, not one of these cases is properly an official
capacity lawsuit, and each must be dismissed unless plaintiffs’ complaints were
significantly amended.
It
is hardly obvious the District Court will permit the CREW v. Trump plaintiffs to replead or amend their complaint. After
all, in CREW v. Trump, plaintiffs
have already filed three complaints. Plaintiffs requested a 4 week extension
and were granted 3 additional weeks. Most importantly, the Department
of Justice has already filed its 12(b)(6) motion to dismiss along with its gargantuan
60 page brief in support of its motion. It is probably too late, far too late
for the CREW v. Trump plaintiffs to
amend their complaint and begin briefing all over again.
As
for the remaining two lawsuits, those plaintiffs can file amended complaints
and bring their constitutional claims against Trump in an “individual” (as
opposed to an “official”) capacity. That would make more sense as a procedural
matter, but such an individual capacity claim seeking injunctive relief would
pose other, perhaps even more difficult challenges for these plaintiffs to
overcome. To bring an individual capacity action against the President, plaintiffs
would have to argue that their lawsuit is supported by an implied
constitutional cause of action. There is simply no case law suggesting any such
implied cause of action exists, particularly where the Foreign Gifts and Decorations Act
(1966)
appears to occupy the field.
To
put it another way, if an implied constitutional cause of action under the
Foreign Emoluments Clause (U.S. Const. art. I,
§ 9, cl. 8)
or the Presidential Emoluments Clause (U.S. Const. art. II,
§ 1, cl. 7)
had even an outside chance of being “discovered” or upheld by the federal
courts, surely the CREW v. Trump plaintiffs
would have pled their case as an official capacity case and as an individual capacity case in the alternative. One cannot
blithely assume that CREW v. Trump plaintiffs
simply overlooked the possibility of bringing their causes of action as an
individual capacity lawsuit. After all, their complaint is signed by no fewer
than 16 litigators, including 3 full time law school academics—one of whom has
written the leading text on federal courts. See Dean Erwin Chemerinsky, Federal
Jurisdiction (7th ed. 2016). One can only surmise that the CREW v. Trump plaintiffs did not plead
in the alternative because an individual capacity suit would not be the slam
dunk, strong lawsuit that they have continually promised their supporters.
Instead, it would be a wholly novel claim which is not likely to survive either academic or judicial scrutiny.
[END]
Seth Barrett Tillman, The Emoluments Clauses Lawsuits’s Weak Link: The Official Capacity Issue, New Reform Club (Aug. 15, 2017, 2:03 PM), http://tinyurl.com/yabyuz27
Addendum: Adam Charnes, Esq made the same point on Twitter before I published on Notice & Comment. See https://twitter.com/AdamCharnes/status/874300556935933952.
Professor Hessick also made the same point on Twitter before I published on Notice & Comment. See https://twitter.com/AndyHessick/status/874329428947587072.
Seth Barrett Tillman, The Emoluments Clauses Lawsuits’s Weak Link: The Official Capacity Issue, New Reform Club (Aug. 15, 2017, 2:03 PM), http://tinyurl.com/yabyuz27
Addendum: Adam Charnes, Esq made the same point on Twitter before I published on Notice & Comment. See https://twitter.com/AdamCharnes/status/874300556935933952.
Professor Hessick also made the same point on Twitter before I published on Notice & Comment. See https://twitter.com/AndyHessick/status/874329428947587072.
** Seth
Barrett Tillman, an American national, is a lecturer in the Maynooth University
Department of Law, Ireland. Professor Josh Blackman and Robert W. Ray, Esq.
filed a scholar’s brief on Tillman’s behalf in CREW v. Trump. See Motion and Brief for Scholar Seth
Barrett Tillman as Amicus Curiae in
Support of the Defendant, Citizens for
Responsibility and Ethics in Washington v. Donald J. Trump, President of the
United States of America, Civ. A. No. 1:17-cv-00458 (S.D.N.Y. June 16,
2017) (Daniels, J.), Doc. No. 37, 2017 WL 2692500. Tillman’s brief
supports the President.
Sure hope you're right. I'd love to see Prof Tribe, et al., kicked to the curb in what is clearly a cynically partisan nuisance suit. That a billionaire would sell out his country for a lousy couple hundred thou is risable; no actual harm to the republic is feared here.
ReplyDeleteThe spirit of the law means nothing to these people. Law is either usable as a political weapon or is ignored when inconvenient. There is no principle at stake here.